Reshape the Culture: Oromummaa & Ideology

Oromummaa & Ideology

Political ideology and ethnicity are two separate things. Ras Gobana, Habtegiorgis Dinegde, Ras Ali, Balcha and their states/armies are no less Oromo than the states they fought to subdue in their allegience with Menelik. Dismissing them as simple lackeys with no motives or agenda of their own, which Oromo nationalists tend to do, is a simplistic way of looking at their history. Similarly, saying that they hated Oromos and killed people because they’re Oromo doesn’t make sense. Their ideology was one that centred around the Orthodox church and Christianity, not ethnicity. So although they came from Oromo tribes and Oromo regions, they identified with the church and the state more than an Arsi Oromo or Wallagga Oromo who was not even a citizen of that state at the time.

Similarly, under the rule of Haile Selassie when Oromo officers formed the Maccaa-Tuulamaa  Self-Help Association (MTA) they were allowed to operate legally, until it was discovered that the officers were organizing and espousing Oromo nationalist ideas. The movements founders and leaders such as Colonel Mamo Mezamir and Hailemariam Gamada were the first to be executed by the government, while General Tadesse Birru was sentenced to life in prison and others were exiled or placed under restrictions. The common Oromo nationalist narrative is that Haile Selassie didn’t realize these officers were even Oromo until they began espousing nationalist ideas. I find this hard to believe as they have clearly identifiable Oromo names and hail from Oromo areas. What made them enemies of the state wasn’t their ethnicity per-say but their political ideology. It just so happens that the ideology of the state was founded on the domination of the Amharic language, and the Amhara-Ge’ez based Ethiopian Orthodox Church.

On the other hand, Ethio-nationalists will use both cases mentioned above as examples for claiming that Ethiopian regimes haven’t persecuted Oromos. But Oromos being part of the system doesn’t absolve the crimes that were committed against Oromos in service of the state. Even those with prestigious titles and positions were executed by the state as soon as they began promoting Oromo interests.  Post-annexation the conditions of Oromo states that refused to surrender and pay taxes systemically deprived people of basic human rights, and made my forefathers serfs for settlers on their own land. The political, economic, social, and psychological trauma endured in many parts of the country are deep-rooted and inter-generational. 

In the eastern part of the country, the period between the Battle of Calanqoo (1887) and the Italian occupation (1936) was known as Sirna Malkanya (The Malkanya era). It was called this because when the locals became serfs they were required to pay their new landlord (one of the Emperors nobles) to use water from the local river bank (Malka). In addition to paying heavy taxes on their annual yield of crops, they had to pay to use their own water resources. This is why in certain parts of the country (including from where my family hails) the Italian occupation is remembered as a positive time. The oppressive taxes were removed, government services and media became available in Afaan Oromo, and there was infrastructure development in marginalized parts of the country.  While Ethio-nationalists and even many Oromo nationalists take pride in fighting Italian aggression, for us the aggression was already ongoing from the  Ethiopian state. The Italians were aware of internal politics and the mistreatment of Muslims, Oromos etc. at the hand of Ethiopian authorities, so they sought an alliance with marginalized groups. Masjid Xaaliyaanii, the classical Italian-built mosque in Dire Dhawa city is just one legacy of that gesture; In addition to the Cotton factory which continued to be one of the largest employers in the city throughout the 20th century.

But many Oromos from other areas regard the Italians as a hostile occupation force. They celebrate the victory of Adwa, and WWII anti-Italian occupation rebels like Abdisa Aga. And they're not wrong. This too is part of Oromo history and a traditional Oromo narrative. Like-wise many Oromo Muslims have responded by celebrating the 'Battle of Shimbra Kure', Imam Ahmed Ibrahim's (known in Abyssinian tradition as 'Gragn' or 'the lefty') victory over the Ethiopian empire and Potugeuse army in 1529. The bottom line is there are always different narratives and perspectives on history. Although my tradition does not align with celebrating Adwa (or any achievement related to Abyssinian emperors) I do acknowledge that it was a historic victory against a European colonial power that Oromos played a decisive role in. I'm not one of those who deny historic facts because it contradicts my views. Just like Shimbra Kure cant be denied as part of Oromo and Ethiopian history.